Stop the funeral music. Prashant Kishor isn’t dead—he’s the only adult left in a kindergarten of Indian political analysis. Jan Suraaj, his three-year-old baby, contested 243 seats in Bihar 2025 and won zero. The trolls are feasting, the TV anchors are cackling, and the WhatsApp uncles have declared him “exposed.”
Good. Let them laugh. Because what happened in Bihar wasn’t a failure of strategy. It was a masterclass in how broken Indian political discourse has become. And the real losers? The lazy, loud, logic-allergic analysts and commentators that now mock the very man they once crowned “Chanakya 2.0.”
1. The PK Resume: Credit Thief or Convenient Scapegoat?
Let’s start with the myth that needs a public execution: Prashant Kishor didn’t “win” any election for anyone in the past.
- 2014 Modi Wave? PK joined BJP after the campaign architecture was built. RSS had 57,000 shakhas, Congress was drowning in 2G/Coal scams, and Modi’s Gujarat model was already a national brand. PK polished the PowerPoint. The iceberg was BJP + Modi+ RSS + anti-incumbency. But people like drama, so they bought the idea that PK had anything to do with the victory.
- 2015 Bihar? He helped Nitish-Lalu stitch MGB, but the win was caste math + “Jungle Raj fear” fatigue. PK was the DJ, not the orchestra.
- 2017 Punjab AAP? Captain Amarinder’s Congress tsunami swallowed everyone. AAP got 22%—PK’s ceiling.
- 2021 Mamata TMC? She’d won 2011 without him. Didi’s street fighter DNA + BJP’s overreach did the job. PK was the megaphone.
Quote from PK himself (2023 padyatra):
“I don’t win elections. I help parties communicate better. The victory belongs to the workers on the ground, not the strategist in Delhi.”
Yet every time a party wins, the media screams “PK Magic!” Every loss? “Overhyped fraud!” It’s intellectual laziness on steroids.
2. Jan Suraaj: The Impossible Mission
Three years. One man. Zero inherited cadre. No caste fortress. No freebie war chest. Just Prashant Kishor walking 3,000+ km, holding 1,000+ chaupals, raising ₹100 crore transparently, fielding 243 candidates—including 70 women, 50+ OBCs, 30+ EBCs—and polling ~3% statewide (higher than VIP, AIMIM, and most “secular” startups).
His core pitch?
“Bihar needs surajya, not sarkar. No more caste kings, no more freebie beggars. Education, health, jobs—earned, not gifted.”
— PK, Muzaffarpur, 2024
He attacked:
- RJD’s “family fiefdom and Jungle Raj”
- NDA’s “welfare addiction”
- Congress’s “ghost opposition”
He promised:
- No free electricity (but 24×7 power)
- No cash handouts (but real jobs)
- No caste quotas in tickets (merit + representation)
And Bihar said: “Nah”
Was that a rejection of ideas? Or a rejection of timing? Or rejection of something new? A change?
3. The Analysts’ Delusion: “Caste Wins, Ideas Lose”
Post-result, the circus began:
- “PK forgot caste is king!”
- “You can’t win Bihar without M-Y or EBC math!”
- “Jan Suraaj got 3%—proof that ‘development’ doesn’t sell!”
Bullshit. The same commentators said 2014 was a black swan moment and would not happen again. 2019 spat on their faces when BJP won even bigger.
3% in three years with zero freebies and zero muscle is not failure—it’s seed capital.
Name one party that won a full state in <10 years of its debut
Zero.
- BJP: Jan Sangh (1951) → BJP (1980) → First state win (1990s) = 40 years
- TMC: 1998 → <1% in first Lok Sabha (13 years to 2011 state win)
- JDU (1994 as Samata): 15.8% vote, 7 seats in Bihar Assembly (Nitish’s anti-Lalu debut – massive Jungle Raj sentiment) (11 years to 2005 CM)
- RJD: Lalu’s JP movement (1970s) → (decades as Janata Dal) →RJD (1997) (~22 years from Lalu’s JP entry; MY alliance)
- SP (1993): 20.4% vote, 109 seats in UP Assembly (Mulayam’s OBC consolidation) (~10 years from Mulayam’s political debut)
- BSP (1989): 9.9% vote, 13 seats in UP Assembly (Kanshi Ram’s Dalit debut) (5 years from 1984 founding; 13 years to 2007 govt)
- NCP (1999): 22.7% vote, 58 seats in Maharashtra Assembly (Pawar’s split from Congress) (Immediate split payoff; but Pawar’s base ~40 years)
- AIMIM (2014): 2.3% vote, 7 seats in Telangana Assembly (Owaisi’s Old City fortress) (~56 years from 1958 revival; localized)
Even AAP took:
- AAP in 2013 Delhi: 29% (but on IAC anti-corruption wave + Anna fasts + Congress’s widespread clearly visible corruption) — and most importantly Delhi wasn’t even a state!
- 2012 (IAC peak) → 2013 Delhi( 28 seats) → 2015 (67 seats) → 2022 Punjab = 10 years
- And, AAP has struggled to get even a single seat in Goa, Gujarat, UP etc.
PK expected to do this in 3 years? Without a national crisis or a mass movement or a caste monopoly or a freebie budget!
How? Who is setting the expectations?
Jan Suraaj’s 3% is organic. No riots. No scams. No freebies. Just ideas.
But the pundits want a caste spreadsheet, not a vision document.
4. The Real Problem: India’s Childish Political Discourse
Indian political analysis is now TikTok-level:
- One event = entire explanation
- Correlation = causation
- Loudest voice = truth
Examples:
| Event | Media Claim |
|---|---|
| 2019 BJP win | “Pulwama did it!” |
| 2024 BJP loss in UP | “Yogi vs Modi rift!” |
The list is tiringly long; you can see analysts like Ravish Kumar, Yogendra Yadav and many more just saying whatever they feel like—it just has to be devoid of logic and packaged nicely.
How do you prove the claim? Any empirical evidence?
Nope. Just “vibes.”
As PK said in 2025:
“In Bihar, if you say ‘caste’ 10 times, it becomes analysis. If you say ‘schools’ 100 times, it’s ‘idealism’.”
5. The Media’s Betrayal: From “Chanakya” to “Clown”
2022: “PK to launch party—game changer!”
2023: “Padyatra breaking records!”
2024: “Jan Suraaj manifesto revolutionary!”
2025: “PK wiped out—overhyped!”
Same channels. Same anchors. Zero shame.
They mocked his transparent funding (₹100 crore disclosed).
They ignored his 70 women candidates.
They buried his 3% in urban pockets (Patna: 8%, Bhagalpur: 6%).
As PK tweeted post-result:
“We lost the battle. But we won the argument. Bihar knows freebies aren’t free.”
6. Jan Suraaj Is the Antidote to RJD’s Filth
RJD today:
- 25 seats on 23% vote (M-Y lock-in)
- Family slap-fights on airport tarmac
- Tejashwi promising ₹30K/year (₹6.75 lakh crore bill)
Jan Suraaj:
- No dynasty
- No freebies
- No muscle
- 3% in Attempt 1
If Jan Suraaj hits 10% by 2030, it splits the anti-NDA vote cleanly—not with caste, but with competence.
That’s how you replace RJD, not mimic it.
7. The Verdict: PK Didn’t Fail. Analysts and Commentators Did.
They wanted a 3-year miracle.
He gave a 3-year foundation.
They wanted caste spreadsheets.
He gave school enrollment targets.
They wanted free scooters.
He offered self-respect.
And when he didn’t deliver instant power, they called him a clown.
Shame!
Final Word: Support Jan Suraaj or Shut Up
Prashant Kishor didn’t lose Bihar.
He exposed the country’s political commentary and analysis.
If you mock him today, you’re part of the problem.
If you support him, you’re part of the slow, painful, necessary solution.
Jan Suraaj isn’t dead.
It’s Version 1.0.
And Version 1.0 never wins the election.
It starts the movement.
“Politics is not a 100m sprint. It’s a marathon.”
Keep walking, PK.
The trolls will run out of breath.
Bihar will catch up.
One day, Jan Suraaj will be the surajya Bihar deserves.
Not because it won in 2025.
But because it refused to play the filth game.
This isn’t the end. It’s the prologue.
Thank you for reading! Also read –
Infinite Sea of Opportunities 
Nicely done, Anant Ji. Kudos.
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Thanks!
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It’s finally great to see the verbal diarrhoea that passes of as intellectual, political analysis in newsrooms is called out. These news channels in their analysis give a lot of time to highlight social engineering of the coalitions in the electoral fray and aid in building the caste narrative. They reinforce the idea of votebanks. Good to see the start of a discussion on the issue.
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well said!!
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